Donetsk castlings: who is who in the DPR. “Novorossiya” is mafia. Oligarchic clans in the DPR "People's Council of the DPR"

On September 10, information appeared about the alleged arrest and placement under house arrest of the “minister” of the self-proclaimed DPR, formerly the head of the Organized Crime Control Department in the Donetsk region, Alexey Diky.

Why the so-called “Minister of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the DPR” Alexei Diky will not be arrested soon, Nikita Sinitsin, a journalist from the occupied territory, said on his Facebook page.

Actually, the next day, September 11, this information was refuted, albeit from the words of the head of the self-proclaimed DPR, Alexander Zakharchenko, and not the “minister” himself. But as my sources say, Alexey Dikiy was indeed not detained and this most likely will not happen soon, at least on the territory of the self-proclaimed DPR.

According to my source, the “Minister of Internal Affairs” of the DPR belongs to the so-called “Yenakievo business group”, which, among the numerous groups and groups of influence in the self-proclaimed “republic”, is distinguished by 2 characteristic features:

1) its representatives are mostly near-criminal and openly criminal personalities from the time of Viktor Yanukovych, one way or another tied to Yenakievo, Gorlovka and a number of other cities;

2) the group demonstratively eschews politics and has no political interests, focusing exclusively on business. If business interests involve some kind of political connections to the issue, the group prefers to contact representatives of the local “authorities” where they have business interests. In any case, this is exactly the case in Gorlovka.

Since the local “authorities” in the DPR are appointed by Alexander Zakharchenko and are controlled by him, it is clear that their contact with representatives of the “Yenakievo business group” is sanctioned “at the top” and the group itself enjoys some of the favor of Zakharchenko himself and pays him loyalty, and is also thought to be a “share” » in business profits.

At the same time, the group is in a state of continuous, sometimes hidden, sometimes spilling out into the public, conflict with the ex-commander of the Vostok battalion, Alexander Khodakovsky. When the ex-battalion commander of Vostok speaks about the dominance of crime in the DPR and the return of the authorities from the Yanukovych era to the republic, he means precisely the “Yenakievo business group.”

As for Alexei Dikiy, as my sources say, he owes his entry into the “republican” party, and therefore, to some extent, his current position, precisely to representatives of the “Yenakievo business group” with whom he became friends before 2014 in the field of protecting drug trafficking and illegal gambling business. In fact, he still oversees these same areas.

Also, if you believe the ex-commandant of Gorlovka from the self-proclaimed DPR, Igor Bezler, a quitrent is collected from the city police departments in the DPR in favor of the “minister”, for example, in Gorlovka, each week each of the 3 regional departments must transfer 150 thousand Russian rubles (60 thousand hryvnia) to the city administration and The lion's share of the 450 thousand rubles collected in this way goes to the DPR Ministry of Internal Affairs.

But, perhaps, Alexey Dikiy was most remembered by representatives of the private security business in the self-proclaimed DPR when, from May 2015, he demanded to pay him 70% of the company’s income. Yes, yes, exactly income, not profit. Thus, the business, of course, could not exist purely physically, and soon the private security business in the DPR was covered with a copper basin.

In the unrecognized republic, the process of replacing the leaders of the “wave of 2014” with officials with experience, who in pre-war times were closely associated with the Party of Regions or have family ties with top officials, has begun

Castlings in the “power structures” of the self-proclaimed “Donetsk People’s Republic” occur regularly. In addition to the struggle for control over resource and financial flows, there is a sluggish political theater, which results in a series of constant dismissals of so-called “ministers” and the creation of the appearance of changes in power. In addition, there is clearly a process of replacing the leaders of the “wave of 2014” with officials with experience, who in the pre-war period were closely associated with the Party of Regions or have family ties with the leaders of the “republic”.

There is very little information about some of the “republican” appointees, but we tried to clearly show who sits in the “powerful” offices of the “DPR”, as well as talk about some interesting facts and intricacies of their biographies.

About Russian managers

Assistant to the President of Russia Vladislav Surkov has long been considered the main curator of Donbass militants. However, at the beginning of November 2015, information appeared in the information space of the separatists that those responsible for economic and ideological issues in the self-proclaimed “republics” were being withdrawn from Donetsk and returning to Moscow. Former militant of the “DPR army” Alexander Zhuchkovsky, who is now engaged in supplying “militia” to the front and is well aware of the “power” ups and downs in the “DPR”, wrote the following on his Facebook page:

“Today all curators in the LDPR were fired. I don’t know for sure about Surkov yet (although they report that he was removed from the Ukrainian direction), but all the performers and “watchers” were removed from the game. Let's see if new people come and who they will be."

In February 2016, new information appeared that Surkov still controls the situation in Donetsk. The SBU said that he visited occupied Donetsk for inspections and heard “reports” from the leaders of the “DPR.”

After Surkov, the position of the Kremlin curator of the “Russian spring” in the “DPR” was attributed to Deputy Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation Dmitry Kozak. The German publication Bild, in its recent investigation, confirmed that Kozak is now part of the so-called “shadow government of the DPR,” which controls finances, taxes, restoration of infrastructure and industry, the creation of an electricity market, trade in energy resources, etc.

An attempt to become the curator of the occupied territories of the Donetsk region was made by the eminence grise of Russian politics, the first deputy head of the Russian Presidential Administration, Vyacheslav Volodin, who has been in conflict with Vladislav Surkov for a long time. However, he was never able to consolidate his position in the vacant position, therefore, he was assigned a minor role in the humanitarian supply of the “DPR”.

Head of the DPR

Alexander Zakharchenko is one of the organizers of Oplot, an association of Kharkov anti-Maidan, formed in January 2014. Within six months it turned into an illegal armed formation of the “DPR”. In the spring of 2014, Oplot took the building of the Donetsk City Council under protection. And a little later, she actively participated in battles with Ukrainian security forces in Slavyansk, Gorlovka and Donetsk. On August 8, 2014, Zakharchenko replaced Moscow PR man Alexander Borodai as prime minister of the “DPR”. The latter explained his resignation by saying that the “DPR” should be led not by a “native Muscovite”, but by a “native Donetsk citizen” such as Zakharchenko.

“I am not abandoning the republic. I will take the post of General Advisor to the Prime Minister in the status of Deputy Prime Minister,” he said at a press conference. True, since then Borodai has not been seen on the territory of the “DPR”.

In November 2014, Zakharchenko was elected "Head of the Donetsk People's Republic".

According to the Russian Novaya Gazeta, today the head of the DPR has approximately four to five thousand fighters, and also controls most of the liquid assets of Donetsk and adjacent cities. The newspaper found out that Zakharchenko was also involved in sales on the oil products market, where until recently the final word belonged to Sergei Kurchenko, one of the oligarchs close to Alexander Yanukovych.

In addition to Zakharchenko, the head of the “office of the head of the DPR”, Maxim Leshchenko, is also at the helm of the “DPR”. In any case, the famous militant and creator of the Vostok battalion, Alexander Khodakovsky, is sure of this. On March 5, 2016, in his blog on LiveJournal, he called Leshchenko the “shadow head of the republic” and a protégé of Rinat Akhmetov.

“These Rinatov’s henchmen have already filled everything. “Bream” hates everyone around Zakhar, but Moscow doesn’t allow him to be removed - they have their own movie with Rinat.”,” Khodakovsky quotes his source of information surrounded by the so-called “head of the DPR” Alexander Zakharchenko. “This pack needs to be removed, otherwise Zakharchenko will turn into a ceremonial sign, if he hasn’t already: any head of the administration will not carry out a single instruction from Zakharchenko until he consults with Leshchenko. The guy quickly got a taste, and not only for power. A soldier of the unit guarding Leshchenko and his house showed where this fruit settled: a huge mansion in the city center, a lot of guards.”, wrote Khodakovsky.

"People's Council of the DPR"

Unlike Alexander Zakharchenko, Denis Pushilinne has his own army, and the attitude towards him in the ranks of the militants is ambiguous. Despite this, he manages to occupy a prominent place in the separatist hierarchy as the chairman of the “People’s Council of the DPR,” which, based on the “constitution of the republic,” is the representative and only legislative body of “state power.”

Pushilin took office thanks to a “coup d’etat in the republic” - this is how the separatist media described the forced resignation of Andrei Purgin, who headed the People’s Council before Pushilin. By the way, Purgin was removed in a rather strange way: on September 4, 2015, at an extraordinary session of the so-called “People's Council of the DPR,” convened on the initiative of Alexander Zakharchenko, he was removed from his post by 60 votes. Some of the “deputies” supporting Purgin were removed from voting, and his wife was detained “for a conversation.”

Most likely, such a reshuffle occurred due to a struggle for power between the above-mentioned “DPR” curators Surkov and Volodin. Sources of OstroV reported that Denis Pushilin was always considered a person from the zone of influence of Vladislav Surkov, and Purgin was Volodin’s favorite.

"Supreme Court of the DPR"

The Chairman of the Supreme Court of the DPR is Russian Eduard Yakubovsky. There is very little information about him. It is known that he previously served as the “Prosecutor General of the DPR”, and before that he worked as a senior investigator-criminologist of the Main Directorate of Forensic Science of the Investigative Committee of Russia. Yakubovsky was one of the supporters that the work of “internal affairs bodies and courts” in the self-proclaimed “republic” should be based on the criminal procedure code of the Russian Federation.

"Council of Ministers of the DPR"

The Chairman of the “Council of Ministers” is the “head” of the “DPR” Alexander Zakharchenko. The head of the “department’s” apparatus since October 2015 is Dmitry Kovyrshin. In 2004, after the first Maidan in Kyiv, he was one of the organizers of the Anti-Maidan movement in Donetsk. In 2006, he worked as a merchandiser in the sales department of the Artemovsk Champagne Wine Factory. When the DPR militants occupied Donetsk, he became the commander of a platoon of armored vehicles of the Republican Guard. Later he was elected as a deputy of the People's Council of the DPR.

“Minister of Finance” - Ekaterina Matyushchenko. One of the few who has been part of the “DPR” government from the first day of its existence, i.e. since May 16, 2014. Even at the beginning of the military conflict in Donbass, she issued regulations on behalf of the illegitimate “Ministry of Finance”, and also organized the collection and receipt of material assistance for the militants of the “republics”.

The Ministry of Information is headed by Elena Nikitina, a relative of Denis Pushilin (his father’s sister). According to OstroV sources, Nikitina was involved in the removal of Andrei Purgin, speaker of the “DPR parliament”, and lobbied her nephew, thanks to massive information support in the media under her control. Nikitina also distinguished herself by accusing Ukrainian journalists of “inciting war in Donbass” and then promising them “her own Nuremberg Tribunal.”

Former “people's mayor” of Slavyansk Vladimir Pavlenko took the chair of “Minister of State Security” on December 14, 2015, replacing Sergei Lukashevich. In pre-war times, Pavlenko held the position of head of the Department of Labor and Social Protection of the Population of the Slavyansk City Council and was part of the close circle of the odious Nelya Shtepa.

Vladimir Kononov (call sign “Tsar”) headed the “Ministry of Defense” on August 15, 2014. Before him, this post was held by Igor Girkin (Strelkov). According to data from the “republican media”, the latter was “sent to another job”, without specifying. Among those close to the political elite of the “DPR” they say that both Strelkov and Kononov are people of the Russian oligarch Konstantin Malofeev.

Minister of Revenue and Duties Alexander Timofeev (call sign Tashkent). Appointed November 12, 2014. Through his first wife, he is a relative of the leader of the “DPR” Alexander Zakharchenko. It was the head of the “DPR” who patronized him in his career. Timofeev is a co-founder of two enterprises that provide cable television services even during the occupation. He also owns one of the most profitable mines in the region, which actually continues to be run by the business empire of Alexander Yanukovych - Mine named after. Kiseleva. It was unofficially reported that the “minister” had “nationalized” the enterprise, but miners subsequently discovered that he had in fact reassigned the mine under his direct control.

The head of the DPR Ministry of Emergency Situations, Alexey Kostrubitsky, was appointed to the post on November 12, 2014. It is known that he is a native of the city of Vasilkov, Kyiv region. His relatives, by the way, still live there. According to Vasylkiv social activist Vladlen Sergienko, Kostrubitsky “successfully married” in Donetsk, thanks to which he found himself in influential DPR circles. Sergienko wrote about this on his Facebook page.

It is known about the current “Minister of Internal Affairs” Alexei Dikiy that in the spring of 2014, the head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine Arsen Avakov appointed him to the post of head of the Organized Crime Control Department of the Donetsk region. Diky almost immediately went over to the side of the militants, and the Organized Organized Crime Control base became their base. However, in Kyiv they said that in this way he controls them. Soon Dikiy became the relevant “minister” of the DPR. In August 2015, Ukrainian and Russian media reported the arrest of Dikiy. There was no exact information about the arrest on the separatist information resources. OstroV's sources say that there was an arrest, but information about the motives varies. Some say that the reason for the detention was the theft of money that went to the maintenance of the “DPR police,” others say that he was guilty of distributing humanitarian aid, to which almost all “departments” of the “DPR” are related. They also say that Dikiy was allegedly suspected of having connections with the Ukrainian authorities. Despite the detention, Dikiy continues to perform his “ministerial” duties. However, he is rarely mentioned in the separatist media.

On May 5, 2015, Alexander Zakharchenko issued a “decree” appointing Larisa Polyakova as “Minister of Education.” Previously, she was a professor at the Department of Information Technologies at Donetsk State University of Management. Sources of OstroV claim that Polyakova is the sister of the former dean of the history department of Donetsk National University Sergei Baryshnikov. In the fall of 2014, Baryshnikov was appointed rector of Donetsk National University, but was soon fired for taking bribes. However, through his son, who works at the Russian Foreign Ministry, Baryshnikov lobbied for a position with someone close to him. Polyakova’s predecessor, Igor Kostenok, was placed in a pre-trial detention cell due to charges of theft of humanitarian aid.

“Minister of Justice” Elena Radomskaya was a famous Donetsk lawyer in pre-war times. Before occupying the “ministerial” chair, she was the secretary of the “DPR Central Election Commission”.

“Minister of Communications” Viktor Yatsenko is a native of Kherson. Previously, he was the head of the Kherson branch of the Novorossiya party.

The head of the “Ministry of Youth, Sports and Tourism” Mikhail Mishin worked as deputy chairman of the Committee on Physical Culture and Sports of the Makeyevka City Council until 2014, and became “minister” in May 2015.

After the head of the self-proclaimed “DPR” signed a decree dismissing the controversial Minister of Economic Development Evgenia Samokhina, the position of “Minister of Economic Development” has been occupied since November 18, 2015 by Victoria Romanyuk, who was previously Samokhina’s deputy. The reason for the dismissal of Makeyevka resident Evgeniya Samokhina is unclear. OstroV sources familiar with Samokhina say that she allegedly traveled to Kyiv several times when she was already a deputy in the DPR.

The head of the “Ministry of Foreign Affairs” is Natalya Nikonorova. Appointed on February 23, 2016. Previously, this position was held by Alexander Kofman. Before her appointment, Natalya Nikonorova worked as a lawyer for the apparatus of the “People’s Council of the DPR”, and also represented Donetsk separatists in the contact subgroup on political issues in Minsk. In the political circles of the “republic,” Nikonorova is considered close to the head of the “people’s council” of the DPR, Denis Pushilin. Igor Strelkov openly called her “Pushilin’s mistress.”

In addition, the “head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs” is the daughter of the head of the “Department of Industry of the DPR” Yuri Nikonorov. Her brother Alexey Nikonorov works as deputy chairman of the People’s Council of the “DPR”.

Minister of Coal and Energy Ruslan Dubovsky is the former general director of the Zhdanovskaya Mine rental enterprise. In fact, he replaced the now dead Yevgeny Fainitsky, who was associated with the disgraced Ukrainian oligarch Sergei Kurchenko.

Larisa Tolstykina became “Minister of Labor and Social Policy” on March 16, 2016. Before her “ministry,” she headed the occupation administration of Makeyevka. Her former deputy, Igor Andrienko, is now the “Minister of Transport of the DPR.”

Ruslan Biryukov

On June 20, 2017, ex-battalion commander of the “DPR”, forty-six-year-old Vadim Pogodin, call sign “Kerch”, was detained in Yalta (through Interpol). The Yalta City Court arrested him “to ensure the possibility of extradition to Ukrainian law enforcement agencies.” Pogodin is accused not just of murder, but of commanding the execution of sixteen-year-old schoolboy Stepan Chubenko.

On July 23, 2014, Stepa was detained in Donetsk (which was already occupied) because a blue and yellow ribbon was noticed on the tenth-grader’s backpack, and among his things they found a scarf from the Karpaty football club - that was enough. Styopa never returned home to Kramatorsk.

“Kerch” (Pogodin), Buba (Sukhomlinov), Zhora (Moskalev)

From the protocol of interrogation of one of the crime witnesses

“Next to the checkpoint, perpendicular to the road, defensive lines were built in the form of trenches. At the same time, the fighters of the Kerch battalion carried out a checkpoint... I witnessed how at a checkpoint, which was located on the road to the village of Mospino, Pogodin, Moskalev and Sukhomlinov shot a minor boy, Stepan Chubenko. I spoke about this fact in more detail in another criminal proceeding.

Immediately after taking the life of this guy, Pogodin gave an order in a military manner to a militant nicknamed Bear, who was serving at the specified checkpoint, so that the latter would organize the burial of Chubenko. I left the village of Gorbachevo-Mikhailovka because I began to fear for my life.”

Gorbachevo-Mikhailovka, execution village

— Do you know who the main driver of the investigation is? Styopa’s mother,” says Colonel Igor Novoseltsev. - Persistent. Because so many people have disappeared and disappeared - that's all. And a large wave of violence arose against children. I don’t remember anything like this in Donbass before the war, but I’ve been in the criminal investigation department since ’93.

Novoseltsev is a senior detective for solving crimes against persons of the Criminal Investigation Department of the Main Directorate of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine in the Donetsk region. He and his current leader, long-time colleague, Colonel Artem Vasitsky, plus a group of security officials of lower ranks “went out” to Kramatorsk in the fall of 2014. It sounds like they have “come out of the encirclement.” Many of those with whom they served (like the ex-chief of the Donetsk Organized Crime Control Department named Dikiy, now the “Minister of Internal Affairs of the DPR”), it turned out, had been waiting for Russia all their lives.

By that time, Kramatorsk was already in a state “after the war”: 77 missing people, 87 unidentified corpses. A small detachment of Girkin-Strelkov captured and held the city in fear for almost three months, where the police alone numbered up to five thousand employees, not counting the SBU directorate, two prosecutor's offices and the military commandant's office located at the local airfield, where, in addition, special forces were stationed.

“I don’t know who Styopa’s mother turned to before.” “I saw her in Vasitsky’s office,” Novoseltsev recalls, “and stayed to listen.

How the parents spent several months looking for their son “behind the checkpoints”, obtained the terrible truth from the “people’s republic”, survived the identification of the body, did not go crazy while the forensic examination dragged on, brought home in a plastic bag what was now called the remains - to bury...

In a criminal case initiated in territory controlled by Ukraine,

one of the witnesses voluntarily decided to help the investigation - to remove the stone from his soul. He watched the execution in Gorbachevo-Mikhailovka from beginning to end, but knew the killers only by nicknames: Kerch, Zhora, Buba. Their names and other information that irrefutably confirm their identities were established by Stepa’s parents themselves, who monitored social networks and sites like “Russian Spring” around the clock.

Photos of “Kerch” (Pogodin), Zhora (Moskalev) and Buba (Sukhomlinov) were also found in abundance.

The witness identified everyone and later came to Kramatorsk, since Gorbachevo-Mikhailovka is still under the control of the “DPR,” to conduct an investigative experiment - a reconstruction of the events he saw: how Styopa was executed in broad daylight.

“They kicked me in the leg while I was sitting, tied up, under the commandant’s office. Teeth knocked out. They took us to the river bank. His hands were tied behind his back with tape and his T-shirt was tied over his head. His sneakers were taken off before the execution by the looters. "Kerch" shot in the back of the head. There are five shots in total... Enough details... - my interlocutor closes the notebook.

Mom was confronted with a witness. She heard much more, including the phrase: “I’m sorry I didn’t save your son...” She found more eyewitnesses who, after doubts, agreed, despite their fear, to speak in court. None of the residents of Gorbachevo-Mikhailovka dared to recapture the boy from the bandits. The case was sent to court in November 2015.

In the “DPR”, on the personal instructions of the head of the self-proclaimed republic Zakharchenko, the crime was also investigated. And they found the same people - Pogodin, Moskalev, Sukhomlinov.

Moskalev was even detained and interrogated. Novaya has at its disposal the protocol of this interrogation.

from the interrogation protocol of Moskalev (“Zhora”)

“... at the end of July 2014, V.V. Pogodin arrived in the village of Gor-bachevo-Mikhailovka, who gave the order to the servicemen of the “Kerch” unit to deliver S.V. Chubenko to him. Then Pogodin V.V., without sufficient grounds suspecting Chubenko S.V. in participation in the Ukrainian organization “Right Sector” [ from the editor: ], considering the latter involved in the burning of Anti-Maidan participants in Odessa on May 2, 2014, as well as political and ideological views different from his (V.V. Pogodin), contrary to the ideas of building the Donetsk People’s Republic, he decided to intentionally murder the minor Chubenko S.V.

To carry out these criminal goals, he recruited military personnel from the Kerch unit, M.V. Sukhomlinova. and Moskalev Yu.A., who were informed that Chubenko S.V. is a member of the Right Sector organization [ from the editor: the organization is recognized as extremist and banned in Russia] <...>, for which Chubenko S.V. should be shot.<...>

Sukhomlinov M.V.<...>, being on the edge of the trench, fired a shot at the back of the head of the minor Chubenko S.V., who was on his knees in the trench with his hands tied behind his back. Considering that after the shot Chubenko S.V. showed signs of life, Pogodin V.V. took the pistol from Sukhomlinov and fired at least four more shots into the occipital region of S.V. Chubenko’s head, from which he died on the spot.

Then Pogodin gave an order to Yu.A. Moskalev, who was nearby. (in order to conceal traces of the crime) to bury the corpse of Chubenko S.V.”

Pogodin, Moskalev and Sukhomlinov were accused of murder committed by a group of people motivated by ideological hatred, the court decided to place them in custody. But in April 2015, the DPR prosecutor’s office announced in an official letter: “The actual location of these persons has not been established.”

Moskalev was nevertheless caught in the DPR. He convinced the judges that he personally did not shoot. Styopa's mother was asked to write a statement: I demand compensation for moral and material damage. “I want him to work while in prison for life, and transfer money to the Antoshka orphanage, over which Styopa patronized!” - she answered.

The accused served a short term and fled from Donbass to his homeland, Chuvashia. According to my information, in Cheboksary Moskalev was arrested on an Interpol “red card” - Ukraine put all three of Stepan’s killers on the international wanted list. For unknown reasons, extradition did not occur, and Zhora was released.

Buba (Sukhomlinov) was “lost” in Russia shortly after the crime was committed, and nothing is known about him to this day.

Colonel Novoseltsev remembers the leader “Kerch” (Pogodin) arrested in Crimea several times, who was repeatedly convicted, from peaceful Donetsk:

— A lawless guy, but with connections at the top. Do you understand, right? The Organized Crime Control Department detained him several times, the SBU led him - he turned out every time.

And the Kerch battalion was disbanded and killed by martyrdom of 16-year-old Stepan Chubenko.

Steel

Stalin Chubenko. Photo by Olga Musafirova

Stepan's mother's name is Stalin.

“And this name is a derivative of the word “steel”, “steel”, that is, strong, and not from what you thought,” she retorts.

Husband Victor, tall and stately, addresses his wife as “Stalechka.” She teaches Russian language and literature at the school where Styopa studied. A native of Magadan, she has been in Kramatorsk since her marriage - since the early nineties. A citizen of Russia, she has a permanent residence permit in Ukraine. When the whole country learned about what had happened thanks to the media, the young man was posthumously awarded the title of People's Hero of Ukraine (there is such a non-state order established by volunteers), and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs asked why Stalin did not accept Ukrainian citizenship.

“With a Russian passport, no one ever oppressed me in Donbass until they came and “protected me.” Let them know that there are Russians who also love Ukraine, but who do not renounce their homeland even now,” she answered.

I spent two days and two nights at Chubenko’s house. They told me about Stepa in the present tense, without tears, they showed me a video (my mother sorted out the archives on the computer).

Here is the goalkeeper of the local Avangard (a great football future, according to coaches, talent plus determination) on New Year’s Eve asking Santa Claus for new knee pads and gloves, slyly indicating the store and price in the postcard (the family lives very poorly). Santa Claus promises to think: “In the meantime, dear Stepa, I’m putting a spelling dictionary under the tree so that you don’t upset me with mistakes.” The tradition of home "cabbage books" and other wall newspapers - who else has such cool parents! - transferred to the city KVN team created by Stepan.

He practices Greco-Roman wrestling, reads Simonov’s military poems at a competition, composes songs and “Plan for the development of children’s and youth football in the Donetsk region”, independent and free beyond his years - a headache for teachers who like tame “average” children, a favorite girls, nanny for kids in the yard, fighter for justice...

— We would like to think: Styopka was shot several days earlier than believed. And he suffered less,” says Stalin.

Parents walked through the summer heat of Gorbachev-Mikhailovka with a photograph of their missing son; in Donetsk they were not allowed on television. “And who do you have it for?” - the locals were interested. And they hid behind fences. The soldiers of the Kerch battalion loved to shoot over their heads just for fun. Some “militiaman” took pity: “I remember this guy. He was given a choice: to fight with us or... (pause) to dig trenches for a long time.” Then they began to lie about the mortar attack, during which all the “robocops” (as the prisoners were called) fled.

Russian citizenship helped the mother get an appointment with Zakharchenko. He promised to help. Soon Chubenko was informed: unfortunately, Stepan was no longer alive. The members of the firing squad were identified. The young man's passport was returned. They said that he was accused of having connections with the Right Sector [ from the editor: the organization is recognized as extremist and banned in Russia] and that he burned people in the Odessa House of Trade Unions...

“On Teacher’s Day,” Stalina clarifies.

“My wife’s hysteria,” Victor shared with me, “happened only once. She found spiritual consolation in faith: with God everyone is alive. And then I tore the cross off my chest and threw it under the bed.”

Look the killers in the eyes

I'm watching a pre-war video. Styopa walks at the head of a small group of football fans with blue and yellow flags. Their faces are covered with scarves or medical masks, like the guys on the Maidan in Kyiv. They chant “Kramatorsk is Ukraine!”, “Glory to the Heroes!” Between them and passers-by there is not a street, but an abyss... It is useless to convince and argue. During shelling, he helps elderly neighbors go down to the basement bomb shelter.

The mother tries to separate the war from her son. She goes with him to Russia to tidy up her grandmother’s grave. Stepan can’t stand it and returns before the deadline: “I’m not a rat to hide. Ukraine is in danger!” A risky recognition in a city where even some teachers from their own school campaigned for a separatist referendum.

Stalin has a folder with appeals to various authorities that help her ensure that the murderers are brought to justice. Still wants to look them in the eye. She achieved the almost impossible - official certificates from the State Border Committee of Ukraine and from a similar Russian department. The dates of crossing the state Russian-Ukrainian border “there” and “back” exclude the very possibility of Stepan Chubenko visiting Odessa on the day of the famous tragedy. General Antyufeev, who portrayed the “DPR” Deputy Prime Minister for work with the security bloc, the head of the military police Anosov, the then Minister of Defense Strelkov, and the Deputy Minister of Defense Berezin did not give answers to the mother’s letters.

Ukrainian Ombudsman Lutkovskaya is also silent. The trial of “absentee students” Pogodin, Moskalev and Sukhomlinov in the city of Toretsk (according to the law, the trial is carried out in a place as close as possible to where the crime was committed) has been in an inactive phase for two years. Meetings are constantly being cancelled: either the judge is in the deliberation room on another case, or the prosecutor has not arrived, or the lawyers of the accused have not arrived.

An explanation regarding extradition was received from the reception office of the Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation, Chaika (where Stalin Chubenko wrote in 2015). According to the law, an accused person detained by Interpol cannot be extradited to a private person, that is, the mother of a murdered person, and the Prosecutor General’s Office of Ukraine has not yet addressed this issue. In the second appeal (dated July 17, 2017), Chubenko reminded: Moskalev, who was detained in Russia, has already been released, and they are also working for Pogodin, who is now in a pre-trial detention center in Simferopol. The answer has not yet arrived.

Kerch’s comrades recorded several video messages in which they stated that Pogodin was facing trial for being a militia member. No one mentioned the name of Stepan Chubenko.

Former DPR Defense Minister Igor Strelkov also called for “Kerch” not to be extradited. After his appeal, a number of Crimean and federal media published materials with a general message: the “hero of Novorossiya” cannot be extradited. The State Duma of the Russian Federation got involved: deputies Dmitry Belik and Sergei Shargunov said that they would do everything possible to prevent the “defender of Donbass” from ending up in the hands of Kyiv. And on July 17, the head of the Union of Donbass Volunteers, Alexander Borodai, in an interview with the Novorossiya news agency, said that the extradition of Vadim Pogodin to Ukraine would not take place.

...Together with Stalin I went to the Kramatorsk city prosecutor's office. First Deputy Prosecutor Yaroslav Kosenkov received us and rightly reminded me as a journalist: he has no right to give any comments, everything is done through the press service.

After the visit, Stalin returned home and posted an open appeal to the authorities and society on Facebook: “The Kramatorsk city prosecutor’s office has prepared a package of materials on the basis of which it is necessary to request Pogodin’s extradition to Ukraine, but so far the Kramatorsk prosecutor’s office has not received an official appeal from the Prosecutor General’s Office of Ukraine, as required by the procedure. Accordingly, the General Prosecutor's Office of Ukraine has not yet addressed the issue of extradition to the Crimean authorities. I believe that the problem is that in the official request the GPU does not know what to call the occupying authorities of Crimea, to whom they should turn. But I am sure that this cannot be a reason for the work done by the investigators to be in vain and justice not to prevail... If the necessary actions are not repeated within 24 hours, I will be forced to turn to the Ukrainian and foreign press and begin protest action at the walls of the Prosecutor General's Office."

The post turned into a bestseller. Journalists, Rada deputies, and representatives of the UN Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine called Stalin.

Last Friday, Deputy Prosecutor General of Ukraine Yevgeny Enin publicly announced: he turned to the Prosecutor General's Office of the Russian Federation with a request to extradite Vadim Pogodin, who brutally killed Styopa Chubenko. "Zrady" ( betrayal. —Ed.) no, Yenin warned. International conventions and the practice of courts of supranational jurisdiction indicate the obligation of states to carry out legal cooperation, even if they are in a state of war and occupy parts of their territories.

“You can judge in Russia”

Most of Vadim Pogodin’s associates, upon hearing the name Chubenko, refuse to communicate. Some immediately hang up, others call the case “fictitious”, say that “Kerch” can be tried in Russia, and immediately say goodbye.

State Duma deputy Dmitry Belik sent to the editor a response from the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs to his appeal in defense of Pogodin: “In the database of the General Secretariat of Interpol, a citizen of Ukraine Vadim Pogodin, born January 16, 1971, has been wanted since 2015 for the purpose of arrest and extradition at the initiative of law enforcement authorities of Ukraine for committing a murder in July 2014.

Currently, the General Prosecutor’s Office of the Russian Federation is conducting an extradition check in the Pogodin case.”

Novaya Gazeta appealed to the prosecutor's office with a request to allow our correspondent to have a short meeting with Vadim Pogodin to find out his position on the charges. Until now (the appeal was submitted on July 18), the issue is under consideration.

Tishchenko Sergey Vladimirovich - Head of the Organized Crime Control Department of the DPR. Before the outbreak of hostilities, he worked as the head of the department for combating economic crimes at the Organized Crime Control Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Donetsk region. Father Tishchenko S.V. currently serves with the rank of general at the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine in Kyiv. Tishchenko S.V., under the leadership of the Minister of the Ministry of Internal Affairs Dikiy A.A., is actively involved in drug protection (as in Ukraine, the trace stretches back to Dikiy’s work in OBNON) and the extraction of cars and property, as well as the sale of weapons. He carries out his labor activities exclusively under the leadership of A. Yu. Timofeev and the Head of the DPR. All cases are investigated by order. He does not disdain private orders. One of the ordered cases is the case of the arrest of the Director of the Department of Internal Security of the Ministry of APP and P Demchenko A. E., who was arrested allegedly for the nationalization of the “Elenovsky KHP”, but by order of Savenko M. Yu., with whom Tishchenko S. V. grew up from an early age in the same entrance of the house and has been friends with him for more than thirty years. A strange fact, they arrested Kamara A.F., Panchenko V.V., Savenko M.Yu., Demchenko A.E., they all were interrogated and taken to the temporary detention center in Donetsk, only Savenko was released immediately, because he was Tishchenko’s friend. During interrogations with Tishchenko, everything is generally very fun. Those being interrogated are forced to kneel down and ask for forgiveness under the Criminal Code of Ukraine from all the children of Ukraine who are killed by our militias. It's crazy isn't it? But this is still being filmed, it’s not clear why.
Also, on his orders, electric shocks were used on the director of security of the APP and P Demchenko A.E. within an hour, then at 22.20 on his (Demchenko’s) birthday, after electric shock and beatings, investigator Shamriy D. and Stas, on the orders of Tishchenko, tried to “persuad” Demchenko to change his testimony, where he indicates that all actions were carried out by order of the Head of the DPR, and that the Head gave an order to Minister Krasilnikov to move grain from the Elenovsky elevator to KHP 1, (to Zakharchenko’s friend Bereznichenko Yu.V.) and to sell the grain to the latter. And “confess” that he (Demchenko) and others embezzled this money. Then, having promised to “shoot” him on the way to the temporary detention facility, they again threatened him, promising that if he did not refuse to testify and did not “confess” as they needed, they would sentence him to death right now.
Also Tishchenko S.V. Having learned that the Department was investigating a case of bribery and grain smuggling from the DPR, it quickly “joined” the topic, after which Demchenko was arrested, the bribe-giver was “excused,” the smuggling was hushed up, the cars were returned to the smugglers for ransom, Gusak is the owner of an enterprise engaged in the illegal export of wheat grain and seeds from the DPR sunflower, (wheat grains worth 1.7 million euros) is engaged, together with Savenko and Manshilin, in the “distribution” of agricultural humanitarian aid from the Russian Federation!
Also Tishchenko S.V. in December 2014, the Department of Security of APP and P handed over documents confirming the removal of the deputy. min. defense Rura Sergei Anatolyevich, and Min. Timofeev's income for the territory controlled by the DPR of wheat, sunflower, scrap metal to Ilyich in Mariupol, coal to Ukraine, meat and food products to Ukraine.
After repeated reminders about WHAT ABOUT THE DOCUMENTS?
Yukhanaeva was summoned for questioning to Tishchenko, where she was held for several hours through moral pressure and threats of death and arrest. After Demchenko promised Tishchenko over the phone that both he and Yukhanaeva would “forget” about the transferred documents, she was released early in the morning. Also, Tishchenko himself, when asked by Demchenko, what was the reason for his detention? He replied that “the Gods commanded so!”
Significant damage to the food security of the DPR was caused not only by Kyiv, but also by the likes of Tishchenko; on his orders, ALL computers of the administration and the DPR Security Department, all orders and incoming and copies of outgoing correspondence were confiscated.
Neither the documentation nor the computers have been returned yet!
As a result, the Ministry lost control over the distribution of humanitarian aid by the Central Administration and monitoring of the situation with the storage of wheat and sunflower. Access to the 1c database for control over humanitarian aid (not restored so far) what is this, negligent negligence of the head of the anti-corruption department or a PLANNED action to destabilize food security NEEDS TO BE UNDERSTANDED BY THE RELEVANT AUTHORITIES! Since, as a result of the actions of the Organized Organized Crime Control Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the DPR, prices for food products controlled by the Department of Internal and Food Security immediately after the arrest doubled, and in January tripled compared to the beginning of December 2014. Grain and sunflower began to be exported from Timofeev’s “goods” without hindrance! Humanitarian aid was distributed for some time according to the scheme approved under Demchenko. But since the end of December 2014. and even more criminally, from mid-January 2015, it began to simply be plundered.
In all this, SIGNIFICANT merit goes to the head of the anti-corruption department, and now the deputy head of the Organized Crime Control Department of the DPR, S.V. Tishchenko.
As it became known later, before this, Deputy of the Supreme Council of the DPR A.N. Zhirov was detained. allegedly caught in the illegal nationalization of Vostok Seafood, also known as InterFish. In fact, Tishchenko simply wanted to take it “for himself,” which he also unequivocally told the detained owner of the enterprise. The spin pattern is the same. The owners are accused of anything, and either the business is taken away, or they are simply robbed and the equipment is taken away, blaming everything either on the “Cossacks” or on those who interfere.
Before Ataman Safronenko “Batu” was arrested, Tishchenko carried out his “orders” and received them either directly or through “Lawyer”.