KPI(ml) “Red Flag” was created in 1988 as a continuation of the activities of the Central Reorganization Committee of the KPI(ml), which originated from the former KPI(ml). The CRK was formed in the late 1970s by a number of comrades from Kerala aligned with the line of Charu Mazumdar. From the official document of the CPI (ml) “Red Flag”:

“In 1979, after many party activists were released from prison, they took the initiative to reorganize the party based on the basic positions of the CPI (ML) and not accepting the three worlds theory and the new Chinese leadership that was promoting this theory. Comrades from Kerala and Andhra Pradesh created the Reorganization Committee of the CPI(ML), in 1982 it became the Central Committee of the CPI(ML). After 1982, the struggle for political reorganization met with serious obstacles from the petty-bourgeois anarchist tendencies that then dominated the party: denial of mass class organizations, legal, open and parliamentary activities, united fronts with other political organizations, etc. Over the years In history, the party faced two splits. The first - in 1987 and the second - in 2003. In 1987, then general secretary K. Venu began to regard neo-colonialism as an era separate from imperialism, declared that the national struggle was the class struggle of the period of neo-colonialism and began to befriend separatist movements such as the Khalistan movement. This caused serious divisions in the party. Venu was not ready to resolve the problem democratically within the party, he broke away from it during the national party conference. Later, Mr. Venu dissolved his own separate party, which retained the name CRK CPI (ML), and joined the bourgeois right. Our party was reorganized, and the CPI(ML) “Red Flag” was born.”

In 2003, a section of the party led by party secretary K. N. Ramachandran during the 6th party conference proposed to merge with the CPI (ML) under the leadership of Kanu Sanyal, but the majority of the party considered this proposal “adventuristic”, excluding those who disagreed.

Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) - Provisional Central Committee

CPI(ML) - The provisional central committee arose from a group in the erstwhile CPI(ML) that shared the views of Sayanarayan Singh. In 1971, Singh opposed party leader Charu Mazumdar, causing a split. Later, its current general secretary Santosh Rana, who also broke with Mazumdar in 1971, joined Singh's party. In April 1973, Singh's party was reorganized. During the 1975-1980s, on the basis of the group of Chandrapulla Reddy (in 1971, he left the Andhra Pradesh Communist Revolutionary Committee), a section of the CPI (ML) Singh arose in the state of Andhra Pradesh. It was the CPI (ML) under the leadership of Singh that was the first of the Marxist-Leninist parties in India to begin participating in elections. The party even to some extent supported the Janata Party movement to overthrow the regime of Indira Gandhi, which the more orthodox factions of the Marxist-Leninist movement regarded as a betrayal. In 1977, Santosh Rana was elected as a member of the West Bengal state legislature from the Gopiballavpur constituency (this is one of the regions where the CPI (ML) began an armed struggle on the model of the Naxalbari uprising). Rana received 25.67% of the votes, which was enough to defeat candidates from the CPI (Marxist), Indian National Congress and Janata Party. The CPI (ML) led by Singh was even able to register with the Indian Election Commission under this name, but later the registration was cancelled.

Around 1980, Singh's party was considered the strongest Naxalite party, but after the exit of Chandrapulla Reddy and other breakaways, the party was greatly reduced. In 1984, there was a serious split between Singh's supporters and the group of Santosh Rana and Vaskar Nandy. Singh and his supporters accused opponents that Nandi and his friends “established relationships with foreign and Indian non-governmental organizations financed by Western monopoly capital from Europe and the United States, as well as with the Lutheran Church. Moreover, they kept it a secret from the party leadership and its general secretary Singh. When everything became known to members of the party leadership, a strong ideological struggle began in the party.” The opposing faction alleged that hundreds of thousands of rupees were spent "on building tanks and schools in Bihar and West Bengal". After much discussion, the Rana faction found itself in the majority among the members of the governing party body, and Singh's supporters created a new Central Committee - and, in fact, a new party. Soon Singh, unable to bear the experience, died.

The party led by Rana differentiates itself from other Marxist-Leninist parties by emphasizing anti-fascism. She views the Hindu nationalists of the Bharatiya Janata Party as a fascist threat to India. CPI(ML) - The Provisional Central Committee recommends its supporters to vote for the CPI (Marxist) or even the Indian National Congress if there are no revolutionary communist candidates in their constituency.

On the eve of the 2004 elections to the Lok Sabha (lower house of the Indian Parliament), the party participated in the united front of revolutionary communists initiated by the Red Flag CPI(ML) and the new CPI(ML).

In the Bodo-inhabited areas of Assam, the party works through the mass organization “United Reservation Movement of Assam Councils”. The party and this organization are opponents of the Bodo nationalist movements. In the 2004 Lok Sabha elections, the Movement candidate got 205,491 votes (21.25%) in Kokrajhar. In the 1999 elections in the same constituency, the Movement candidate received 246,942 votes (27.75%).

CPI(ML) - The Provisional Central Committee publishes the central body “For a New Democracy”. Its editor-in-chief is Vaskar Nandi.

Communist Revolutionary League of India

The Communist Revolutionary League of India (CRLI) is a Naxalite party in the Indian state of West Bengal. Its leader is former student leader Ashim Chatterjee. He was a former member of the Central Committee of the erstwhile Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist), but broke with Charu Mazumdar in 1971 because he believed that he misunderstood the liberation struggle in East Pakistan. In the late 1970s, Chatterjee created KRLI.

During 1995-2000 KRLI was part of the Left Front. After breaking with the CPI (Marxist), the CRLI allied itself with the Party of Democratic Socialism led by Saifuddin Chaudhuri. Participates in elections to the legislative assembly of West Bengal.

Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist)

(it is usually called “New KPI(ml)”)

This new party, using the old name CPI(ML), was formed in January 2005 through the merger of the CPI(ML) led by Sanyal and the Red Flag section of the CPI(ML) led by Ramchandran.

Shortly before, in June 2003, the Sanyal CPI(ML) was formed through the merger of the CPI(ML) Unity Initiative and the Communist Organization of India (Marxist-Leninist) led by Sanyal.

The general secretary of the party is Kanu Sanyal. This new party is very critical of the original CPI(ML), formed in 1969, in which, incidentally, Sanyal himself was one of the key leaders. Although Sanyal and his comrades accepted the Naxalbari experience, they were in opposition to the line of Charu Mazumdar. Party forces are mainly concentrated in Andhra Pradesh, Delhi, West Bengal, Kerala, Maharashtra.

Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) "New Democracy"

CPI(ML) New Democracy arose in 1988 from an earlier breakaway faction of the CPI(ML) - the Provisional Central Committee headed by Chandrapulla Reddy. The general secretary of the party is Yatendra Kumar.

The party is primarily based in Andhra Pradesh but has its branches in Delhi, West Bengal, Maharashtra, Orissa, Punjab, Uttar Pradesh and Haryana. The party has one MP in the Andhra Pradesh assembly (Narsaiah Gummadi from Yellandu constituency) and one in the Bihar assembly (Umadhar Prasad Singh). CPI(ML) People's Democracy uses both legal and illegal methods of work. The party participates in elections and organizes mass organizations (emphasizing the creation of grassroots organizations of the All India Federation of Trade Unions and the Kishan Mazdoor Sabha peasant movement), but also creates small guerrilla units, "dalams". Currently, the CPI(ML) New Democracy has distanced itself from the moderate factions of the Marxist-Leninist movement.

Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) "Central Command"

The CPI(ML) "Central Command" was founded in December 1977 by a breakaway faction from the CPI(ML) - the Provisional Central Committee. The Central Team is active in Punjab and has branches in West Bengal and Maharashtra.

In Punjab they published a very influential revolutionary publication, Surkh Rekha ( Surkh Rekha). During the "Khalistani period" (1980s), the Punjab section of this party collaborated with the Center of Communist Revolutionaries of India in building an influential front against repression and communalism. This experience led the Punjab section to the strategy of a "mass revolutionary line". In August 1994, the Punjab section of the "Central Command" merged with the Center of Communist Revolutionaries and two other organizations to form the CPI(ML) Reorganization Center. Surkh Rekha became the organ of the new Center.

However, the West Bengal and Maharashtra sections of the Central Command refused to join this initiative and accused the Punjab section of betraying the old Marxist-Leninist movement. They continue to function as the KPI(ML) “Central Team”.

In West Bengal, this party publishes a Marxist publication called Andolaner Sathi ( Andolaner Sathi), and was previously called "Andolaner disha" ( Andolaner Disha).

Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) "Liberation"

Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Liberation is a party that positions itself as supporters of Charu Mazumdar, but opponents of Lin Biao. The Liberation faction emerged from the erstwhile CPI(ML) under the leadership of Comrade Jauhar (Subrat Dutta), who died in Bhoipur in November 1974.

In 1975, Vinod Mishra was elected general secretary, and from 1977, internal reforms began in the CPI (ML) under the leadership of Mishra. The party conference in 1979 proclaimed the need for the widespread creation of mass organizations (this line was condemned by the original CPI (ML) as “economism”). The CPI(ML) under Mishra also maintained good relations with the Communist Party of China (CPC), while most other Indian Marxist-Leninist organizations condemned Dengxiaoping's changes in CCP policy.

In 1982, the Indian People's Front (IPF) was formed and the party began participating in elections under the umbrella of the FPI. In 1998, the FPI was able to win a parliamentary mandate in the Lok Sabha from Ara, Bihar. The party lost this mandate in 1991, but it won a new mandate in Assam by running on the grassroots Independent State Demand Committee movement. In 1994, the FPI was dissolved and the party began contesting elections under its own name, but in Assam it contested elections under the banner of the said committee until 1999.

Mishra died in 1998. The current general secretary is Dipankar Bhattacharya, from West Bengal. In the 1999 Lok Sabha elections, the party polled 0.3% of the votes and won one seat (the same one it previously had from Assam). In 2004, the party lost this mandate, mainly due to a split in the ranks of the Independent State Demands Committee.

Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) "Shantipal"

CPI(ML) Shantipal is an underground Naxalite party that positions itself as a supporter of armed guerrilla warfare, Lin Biao and the line of Charu Mazumdar. According to some sources, it arose in the northern part of the state of West Bengal in 1972, according to others - in 1974. The party is active in Bihar, especially in Godda, Purnia, Saharsa and Sahibganj. Their organization is also active in Burdwan district of West Bengal.

Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) - Second Central Committee

CPI(ML) - Second Central Committee is an underground Naxalite party founded in the late 1970s by Azizul Haq and Nishith Bhattacharya, two prominent communist leaders and intellectuals, after they, along with other comrades, broke away from the CPI(ML) under the leadership of Mahadeva Mukherjee. CPI(ML) - The Second Central Committee positions itself as a supporter of Lin Biao's line.

In the 1980s, the CPI(ML)-Second Central Committee formed a revolutionary government in large rural areas of Bengal and Bihar. The party is active in states like Assam, Bihar, West Bengal and Uttar Pradesh. On May 19, 2003, a splinter group from the party merged with the Maoist Communist Center of India. In 2006, another group broke away from the party (“Coordination Committee of the CPI (ML) - Second Central Committee”) and joined the CPI (Maoist).

Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) under the leadership of Mahadev Mukherjee

The CPI(ML) under the leadership of Mahadev Mukherjee is a small, almost inactive Naxalite party. After the death of Charu Mazumdar, Sharma and Mahadev Mukherjee reorganized a new Central Committee of the CPI (ML) on December 5-6, 1972, which considered Charu Mazumdar the Indian revolutionary authority. After the 20th CPC Congress, the party split into Linbiaoist and anti-Linbiaoist factions. The Central Committee of the party, headed by Mahadev Mukherjee, took a Lin Biaoist position and convened the second congress of the CPI(ML), which supported the authority of Charu Mazumdar's line and the position of Lin Biao. The congress was held in Kamalpur, which became the center of armed confrontation between the people and the military. Soon, disagreements that arose in the Central Committee of the CPI(ML) led to the majority not supporting Mahadev rejecting Lin Biao's line of support and removing Mukherjee from the post of party leader. Mahadev was later arrested in Shillong and thrown behind bars. After he came out of prison in the late 1970s, Mahadev, with the help of Azizul Haque and Nishitha Bhattacharya, reorganized the Central Committee. But later, accusing Mahadev of defeatism and sectarianism, Haque and Bhattacharya expelled him from the party and founded the CPI(ML) - Second Central Committee. Most of the party left with them.

The CPI(ML) under the leadership of Mahadev Mukherjee still positions itself as a supporter of Lin Biao. Its local organizations are in Andhra Pradesh, West Bengal and New Delhi, they are underground and do not carry out legal work. In 2004, the party boycotted parliamentary elections and called for armed struggle. At the same time, in the Siliguri region of West Bengal, its members organize demonstrations and rallies. Thus, on May 25, 2006, the party organized a mass demonstration in Naxalbari.

Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Naxalbari

CPI (ML) Naxalbari is an underground Maoist party, its origins are connected with both the CPI (ML) - Maoist Unity Center and with Comrade Rauf's group in Andhra Pradesh.

CPI(ML) - Maoist Unity Center came into being as a result of the 1997 merger of the Communist Party of Kerala and the Communist Party of Maharashtra. These two parties were state organizations of the CPI(ML) - "Central Reorganization Committee" (CRK, dissolved in 1991). In turn, the Central Revolutionary Committee is the party from which in 1987-1988. The Red Flag party of the CPI(ML) broke away, and there was little left of the Central Revolutionary Committee itself.

Comrade Rauf was the leader of the small Red Flag unit of the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) in Andhra Pradesh. Most of the leadership of Rauf's organization died in shootouts with police in the 1980s. In 2000, Rauf's organization broke away from Red Flag and merged with the CPI(ML)-Maoist Unity Center into the CPI(ML) Naxalbari. Rauf became general secretary united party. The current party secretary is Comrade Ajith.

Communist Party of the United States of India

The Communist Party of the United States of India is an underground party operating in the state of Andhra Pradesh. It arose on May 17, 1997 as a result of factional struggle in the CPI(ML) Janashakti. The founder of the party was M. Veeranna, who was later killed by the police. The present secretary of the Andhra Pradesh state organization is Comrade Sadhu Malyadri Jambhav. The party is waging an armed struggle, creating "dalam" units and believes that the emphasis of the party's work in the current situation in India should be shifted from class issues to caste issues.

Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Janashakti (People Power)

"People's Power" is an underground party that was created in 1992 by uniting seven revolutionary communist organizations: CPI (ML) "Resistance", United Center of Communist Revolutionaries of India (Marxist-Leninist) - Muktigami faction, CPI (ML) " Agami South", CPI(ML) under the leadership of Paila Vasudev Rao (split from the CPI(ML) New Democracy), CPI(ML) under the leadership of Khokan Mazumdar, Coordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries under the leadership of Parimal Dasgupta, Communist Revolutionary Group for Unity .

CPI (ml) “People's Power” focused on a combination of legal and illegal methods of struggle. At first, the party did well: in 1994, it won a deputy mandate in the Andhra Pradesh legislative assembly, created trade unions and peasant movements. However, internal friction soon began within the party. In 1996, a group broke away from the “People's Power”, which later created the CPI (ML) - “Unification Initiative” (now part of the so-called new CPI (ML) under the leadership of Kanu Sanyal). After this a series of more splits followed. At the end of the 1990s, the party completely reoriented itself to the underground struggle and stopped legal work among the masses.

Most of the party's membership is in Andhra Pradesh, and the party is now fragmented into several factions that function with little or no mutual coordination. The head of the largest faction is the official secretary of the party organization of this state, K. Rajanna. The party secretary is Comrade Amar.

Communist Party of India (Maoist)

CPI(Maoist) was founded on September 21, 2004 as a result of the merger of CPI(ML) " People's War" and the Maoist Communist Center of India. A temporary central committee was created, the general secretary of which was the leader of the People's War, Ganapathi. Other Naxalite parties often refer to the CPI (Maoist) as "anarchists".

Marking the 30th anniversary of communist rule in West Bengal

S.Z.Gafurov, D.A.Mitina

The tireless repetition of the slogan about the death of Marxism or its degeneration by people calling themselves Marxists is not only annoying, but also leads to doubts about the intellectual abilities or scientific integrity of the authors of these maxims. Marxist parties rule over a third of humanity, and their regimes have sustained economic growth, be it China, West Bengal (with a population of over 80 million), Vietnam or Kerala. Marxist parties demonstrate the ability to act both in the absence of democracy and in the most democratic regions (West Bengal, Kerala).

Of course, no one can be forbidden to say that theoretical Marxism is in crisis, but people who dare to say this must either be rabid racists who believe that scientific thought does not exist anywhere except Western Europe and North America, or these people must justify their evidence literature in Chinese, Bengali, Vietnamese, Malayalam, Spanish and other languages ​​of countries where classical Marxism is developing. Otherwise, these people have reason to say only that only in a negligible part of the world (less than a quarter of the world's population) is Marxism experiencing a crisis.

The American “leftist” Professor Boggs is not ashamed of his illiteracy: “Following the Soviet model, Leninist regimes in Asia, Africa and Latin America managed to achieve some degree of national independence and economic development along with extensive reforms here and there, but in no country did these regimes acquire any significant momentum for equality or democracy.” He doesn't know what's in West Bengal communists (in alliance with Trotskyists and left socialists) have ruled for more than a quarter of a century, and in Kerala have come to power intermittently since 1957, remaining faithful to democracy. The most surprising thing is that Indian Marxists, for example, translate most of their works into English (and write a significant part in English), but these works are for our critics of classical Marxism and supporters neo-Marxism, eurocommunism and other perversions of this powerful worldview are unknown.

Much the situation is more complicated with literature in Chinese or Vietnamese, which is inaccessible not only due to the fact that a small part of Russian Marxists can read these languages, but also due to the fact that most official documents in China and Vietnam remain closed. Nevertheless, access to public documents of Communist Party congresses is available, official international economic and social statistics are published, and comparison of political and economic practices in these countries with published documents can become an important field of research.

The authors of various “concepts of post-industrial society” do not notice not only that the industrial proletariat in the world is growing in numbers not only absolutely, but also relative to other groups of society. They also do not want to notice that classical Marxism is developing precisely in those countries where the industrial proletariat is dynamically developing, primarily China and India. In other countries like Indonesia or Pakistan, Marxism is the main enemy of the ruling regimes and is suppressed by the physical elimination of communists

Communist movement in India

There are different views on when the communist movement began in India. Thus, the Communist Party of India considers its founding day to be December 25, 1925, while the Communist Party of India (Marxist) CPI (M), which separated from it, believes that the party was born back in 1920. Having certain differences, these parties take common positions on most important domestic political issues. Communist parties enter into pre-election alliances with other left-wing political forces.

In 1957, the CPI came to power in Kerala. Its programmatic goal of a coalition with the INC met resistance from more radical elements, who accused the leadership of the CPI of revisionism, and in 1964, shortly after the Indian-Chinese military conflict of 1962. left the CPI and created the Communist Party of India (Marxist), independent in its actions from the USSR, and after 1968 from China. The CPI (M) views itself as a political organization of workers and peasants as opposed to the INC, a spokesman for the interests of entrepreneurs and landowners. In the mid-70s, during the introduction of Emergency in India by the Government of Indira Gandhi, the CPI supported the Government of India, and the CPI (M) began to fight against the regime. Relations between the two Communist parties improved in the late 1970s, leading to the creation of the Left Front.

In 1996, the winning coalition of centrist and socialist parties invited the Chief Minister of West Bengal, Jyoti Basu, to lead India. However, the Politburo of the CPI (M) decided that the party could not be part of a bourgeois government without a majority in it, and offered parliamentary support from outside, banning Basu from serving as prime minister. As a result, at the suggestion of Jyoti Basu, India was headed for a short period by the right-wing socialist Dev Gowda, and the CPI became the first communist party represented in the Indian government (veteran of the communist movement Indrajit Gupta, who spent many years in prison, headed the Indian Ministry of Internal Affairs).

Jyoti Basu still calls the decision to refuse to participate in the Government a “gross historical mistake,” given that the Government’s unconstructive position towards the INC led to a government crisis, the reliance of the Indian bourgeoisie and feudal lords on openly pro-fascist elements in the BJP and, as a consequence, formation of the Government of the BJP and its allies. Interestingly, the main supporters of the ban on participation in the national Government were the current leaders of the CPI (M) - general secretary Prakesh Karat and the most prominent ideologue Sitaram Yechury.

The Indian Left Front at the national level includes the Communist Party of India (Marxist) CPI(M), the Communist Party of India (CPI), the All India Forward Bloc ( All - India Forward Block ) and the Revolutionary Socialist Party. The LF is a powerful force in Indian politics. While Tripura, Kerala and West Bengal are their key strongholds, Left parties have a presence in Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Tamil Nadu, Punjab and other states.

The CPI (M) currently has over 800 thousand members. Secretary General - Prakash Karat (since April 2005). Despite being a national party, the CPI(M) has a strong presence only in West Bengal, Kerala and Tripura. Currently, the governments of these states are formed by the CPI(M) (in coalition with other Left parties). The CPI(M) inherited intact most of the primary cells of the CPI in West Bengal and Kerala. The CPI(M)'s gains have been less significant in Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, Bihar and Jharkhand. The KPI is represented more evenly across the country.

Currently, the CPI(M) is, with 42 seats, the third largest party in the Lok Sabha after the INC and the BJP; the left parties have a total of 63 seats and provide external support to the United Progressive Alliance government (support for the communists plays a decisive role in the stability of the Indian government). The post of Speaker of the Lok Sabha is held by CPI(M) member Somnath Chatterjee.

Considering that the Indian revolution is still at the stage of national liberation, a bloc of Indian communists with nationalist parties representing the interests of various peoples and tribes became possible. This is clearly expressed primarily in the south of the country in states with a predominantly Dravidian population.

However, the main goal and task of both the KPI and the KPI (m) at the beginning of the twentieth I century became the organization of a single union designed to prevent - unite all anti-fascist forces, including the Congress. This task was successfully completed in 2004.

Taking advantage of the fact that the CPI and CPI(M) have a mass base among workers in India, they organized a massive nationwide strike against the BJP Government. 50 million people took part in it. They demanded the lifting of the Supreme Court's ban on strikes and changes economic policy Governments.

West Bengal, Kerala and Maharashtra

Classical Marxism teaches that the proletariat needs to create its own class fighting forces in order to ensure the defense of the democratic gains of the working class in peacetime and a decisive blow to fascism in the event of a crisis of power. If a crisis of power is accompanied by a revolutionary situation, these fighting units become the base of the revolutionary army, which will have to ensure the dictatorship of the proletariat.

The Indian communists drew their strength from the ranks of the industrial proletariat. The basis of their electoral successes was initially the militant trade unions. Naturally, the two main industrial regions of India - Calcutta and Bombay - became centers of the communist movement in the country. However, the fate of these areas developed differently.

The reorganization of states, carried out in 1956 along linguistic lines, gave impetus to the aggravation of national feelings in the regions. Those who speak the local language were considered “our own” or “sons of the soil”, the rest were considered strangers. This kind of sentiment first surfaced in Bombay in the 1960s, when Marathi-speaking residents found themselves gradually being squeezed out of administration and trade by "outsiders" from Tamil Nadu, Kerala and Karnataka. The communists lost sight of this problem, and the Shiv Sena began to speculate on national contradictions, which managed to capture the Bombay City Corporation (City Government), gain seats in the national parliament and expand its activities outside the state.

Direct parallels can be drawn with fascist Italy and Nazi Germany in Bombay, where the Shiv Sena, having created storm troops, destroyed communist trade unions and Communist Party cells with the help of direct physical violence, accompanied by pogroms and murders of communist leaders. At present, in Maharashtra, the communists are not a serious political force, although even there the left bloc (under different names and with different composition, but with the leading role of the CPI and CPI-M) collects up to 5% of the votes, which means under the Indian electoral system that Communists are supported by at least 7-8% of the state's population.

On the contrary, in West Bengal the communists managed to create militant units of the working class and, importantly, lead the peasantry. Attempts by the fascists to organize their own militant grassroots organizations (Trinamool Congress, VHP, BJP) were neutralized by the militant organizations of the communists. As a result, in West Bengal, the Left bloc has ruled the state for a quarter of a century, which is unique among Indian states.

States with a predominant influence of communist parties are characterized by one circumstance: West Bengal and Kerala are territories with a maximum population density of more than 750 people per 1 sq. km. km, with an average density in India of 354 people per 1 sq. km.

By the late 1940s and early 1950s, virtually the entire Bengali population was involved in the communist movement. These successes can be explained by the fact that the capital of the state, Calcutta, is the economic center of the entire country, and the processes of capitalist development took place most actively in the state. However, the Calcutta capitalists were, as a rule, non-Bengali, and therefore the Bengali intelligentsia, pushed out of power by the Hindustani-speaking and Muslim bourgeoisie, easily accepted the ideas of Marxism. The phenomenon of so-called bhadarlok communism arose (“ bhadarlok" means "respected person" in Bengali). D. Kostenko quotes one Indian author: “ Calcutta of the forties resembled one big secret society: all the intellectuals were in a hurry to some secret meetings, appearances were arranged everywhere, in every decent family it was considered good manners to invite some revolutionary guru to an evening, at every step on the street one could bump into a young an idealistic woman, judging by her fiery gaze, carrying a secret message for the party leadership».

Left parties have ruled the state since 1977; in the elections in April-May 2006. The CPI(M)-led Left Front won another landslide victory, winning 233 of the 294 seats in the state assembly, and current Prime Minister Battacharjee is a member of the CPI(M) politburo.

West Bengal is characterized by a high level of development of various branches of light, food and heavy industries; electrical engineering, automotive and other industries are developing. The Raniganj basin provides significant levels of coal production. West Bengal also accounts for about 20% of all-India electricity generation. The main branch of agriculture is rice cultivation, the main source of income for the agro-industrial complex is the sale of jute and tea. The state actively attracts foreign investment. The state's gross domestic product was about $57 billion in 2004. The state of West Bengal has received approval from Delhi to build a four-unit nuclear power plant with 500 MW reactors in the state. As a basic condition, the central government required the connection of the new nuclear power plant to the national power grid, although Bengal retained priority for the generated energy.

Kerala- a state in southern India with a population of almost 40 million people. The majority of the population speaks the language Malayalam. In 1957 The Communist Party of India (CPI) won the state assembly elections for the first time in the country's history. Since then, the state has been governed alternately by the Indian National Congress and Left parties. In the elections in April-May 2006. The CPI(M)-led Left Democratic Front won, receiving 97 of the 140 seats in the assembly, the rest went to the INC-led United Democratic Front.

The state of Kerala ranks first in India in terms of population literacy (over 90%). It is also the only state in India where women outnumber men. The above facts are mainly due to the policies implemented by the communist governments in the state, as well as the high proportion of Christians and Muslims. However, in economically Kerala is not a forward state. Despite the land reforms carried out by the communists in the 60s and very low (compared to the rest of India) population growth rates, the problem of agricultural overpopulation in the state is very acute.

Industry is relatively weak, especially compared to neighboring Tamil Nadu. A significant part of the state’s income comes from remittances from abroad (Kerala residents, thanks to the comparatively high level education constitute a very large proportion of Indian workers in Arab countries). Tourism is also a critical component of the state's economy.

A small state in eastern India Tripura with a population of 4 million people is another where leftist forces are traditionally strong. Currently, the Left Front, a coalition of the Communist Party of India, the Communist Party of India (Marxist) and a number of smaller parties, is in power in the state.

Communists and issues of agrarian transformation

It is generally accepted among serious economists that the main reason for the crisis of civilization, which led first to the First World War, and then to the Great Depression, the victory of fascism, the need for collectivization in the USSR, and the collapse of the colonial system, was "agrarian revolution", which became the main event of the twentieth century. If at the beginning of the century she was busy in agriculture half all Germans, then at the end of the century - only 5% .

The position of the skilled urban working class, who has a sure piece of bread, in India is immeasurably better than the position of the poor, starving peasant. The labor aristocracy of Calcutta, a kind of cream of the working class, is proud of its relatively stable social position and its jobs.

Agricultural revolution is on the agenda in India.A huge part of India is a semi-feudal, semi-colonial region at the stage of a bourgeois-democratic revolution, the key point of which is the agrarian revolution. Indeed, bourgeois agrarian reforms in most states of India did not solve the problems of rural workers, and, in fact, were not aimed at this. As R. Hering, a prominent expert on agrarian reform in South Asian countries, notes, the main task The state's goal in carrying out these reforms was to weaken the economic and political positions of social groups closely associated with colonialism, as well as to acquire powerful political symbols that the ruling elite could use to prove to the masses the "socialist" nature of their regime and devotion to the little man.

If we also take into account that India is included in the world capitalist economy, that capitalism is quite firmly entrenched in the country’s economy, including in its agriculture, although it often operates through pre-capitalist forms of social organization of production and traditional relations, then it becomes clear that any radical redistribution of land will strike not only traditional relations (“remnants of feudalism”), but also the capitalist structures into which they have grown.

Only a revolutionary, consistently anti-capitalist regime can take such measures. The current Indian government will not take such measures, since it cannot begin to destroy its own class base, therefore the agrarian revolution is the primary task facing the communist revolutionary forces."

The main goal Communist agrarian policy is the abolition of the system of semi-feudal "landlordism" and the distribution of land among those who do not have it. Part of this struggle is the struggle against the caste system, religious intolerance, and for the emancipation of the most humiliated and oppressed sections of Indian society. Communists see agricultural workers as the bridge between the industrial proletariat and the laboring peasantry of India, necessary to bring about a democratic revolution, the fight against the WTO and new attacks of imperialist globalization.

The Indian communist movement acquired a truly revolutionary character when it connected with the struggle of peasants for land, as happened in the late forties during the Telangana uprising in a semi-independent princely state Hyderabad. The struggle launched under the leadership of the communists against forced labor for landowners, illegal extortions and oppression by Patels(village chiefs) turned into a large-scale guerrilla war against large landowners. The communists controlled an area with a population of more than three million people in the districts of Nalgonda, Warranhal and Hamman. In the liberated territory, village councils - garm rajas - were created, landowners were expelled, their lands were confiscated, and more than a million acres of agricultural land were distributed among the peasants. The revolutionary hearth was defended by a five-thousand-strong partisan army, and internal order was maintained by ten thousand fighters of irregular rural militia.

The Nizam of Hyderabad could no longer resist the revolutionary movement, and in 1948 the princely state became a state of independent India, the army of the central government entered Telingana and in 1951, after some half-hearted measures taken by the INC government in the agricultural sector, the CPI called on its supporters to lay down their arms . But even after the cessation of the armed struggle, until 1953, the Communist Party retained power in the areas of the uprising. Later, in the state of Andhra Pradesh, which arose from the princely state, the communists entered into a bloc with the left-nationalist parties of the Telugu people ( Telugu Desam Party ) and helped them shape leftist policies that led to an economic miracle (the city of Hyderabad is one of centers electronics industry India).

However, the nationalists, needing support from the center, where the BJP ruled, for opportunistic reasons, chose to break with the communist allies and negotiate support with the fascists in exchange for parliamentary support for their faction of the Government in Delhi. This caused another round of class struggle in the form of strikes, expansion of the struggle Naxalites(including attempts on the life of the Chief Minister of the state Chandrababu Naidu). Since 1997, according to official data, almost 3000 debt-ridden peasants committed suicide. At the same time, this led to the creation of an informal tactical alliance between the communists and the INC and the Telangana nationalists. The new alliance completely crushed the government parties in the 2004 elections. Because of the drought, which could have been alleviated by investing in irrigation (which it did not), the government Chandrababu Naidu was defeated, not least as a result of the mass vote of the peasants.

The movement for the agrarian revolution faces armed attacks from feudal forces, government agencies and security forces. In the state of Bihar, feudal-criminal gangs have organized themselves into private armies to attack and beat poor peasants and farm workers to suppress the revolutionary forces. The revolutionary forces are resisting these attacks by organizing struggle in all forms, including open democratic movements, vigilante groups and paramilitary groups.

With its victory in the West Bengal elections in 1977, the CPI(M) expanded its electorate, previously concentrated in cities, to include rural areas. The main reason for the success of the LF in West Bengal and Kerala was the redistribution of land among the poor peasants. As a result, the party managed to remain in power in this state until the present day.

In 1967, in the parliamentary elections in the state of West Bengal, the communists came to power, leading a coalition “ United Front"from 14 games. They also formed the state government. The “United Front” was the result of a compromise between the “People’s United Left Front” bloc of seven left parties led by the CPI and the “United Left Front” bloc of seven parties led by the CPI (M). Prominent CPI(M) leader Harekrishna Kunar was appointed Minister of Agriculture in the new government. Thousands of peasants waited with hope for the start of land reform, but the United Front government, which came to power under the slogan “ The land - to those who cultivate it", was in no hurry to fulfill his promises.

Plantation owners (jotedars), frightened by the prospect of land reform promised by the new authorities, began to round up the sharecroppers of the lands they cultivated, fearing that they would lay claim to their lands. Those who disagreed were simply killed. And this despite the fact that the previous year was a bad harvest and many peasant families were dying of hunger. Social tensions have reached boiling point. In each village of the district, peasant committees were created - in fact, self-defense forces. In the name of peasant committees, the seizure of land began, land registries were destroyed, debt to moneylenders was canceled, bodies of revolutionary power were created, and death sentences were imposed on the most heartless jotedars and representatives of the rural bourgeoisie.

The CPI and CPI(M) began to encourage peasants to seize land. The communists organized marches of the poor” to land plots exceeding the norm established in the state, and then distributed these lands among the landless in an exemplary manner. Home Minister of the second United Front government Jyoti Basu, also a member of the CPI(M) Politburo, gave strict orders to the police not to interfere in labor disputes and land grabs organized at the initiative of the ruling coalition parties. Everywhere in the villages, landowners' property and crops began to be confiscated, and " people's tribunals“To deal with class enemies, partisan detachments were created.

Solemn occasion. Evening of September 21, 2004, somewhere in the deep jungles of India. One of the senior members of the new provisional Central Committee, comrade. Shome informs the assembled guerrillas, cultural activists and party leaders about the birth of a united proletarian party - the Communist Party of India (Maoist). It emerged as a result of the merging of the two main streams of the Indian revolution, the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) and the Maoist Communist Center of India (MCCI), into one mighty river, the CPI (Maoist). For the first time in the history of the country, one, united proletarian party appeared, except for the very short period of 1969-1972. when such a party was the CPI (M-L). The revisionists of the CPI and the CPI (Marxist) have done great damage to the great revolutionary traditions of the Indian people. Although some genuine Maoists still remain outside the new party, the two main streams of Indian Maoism are now united. The passionate desire of the revolutionaries and progressive forces of the country, as well as the most conscious elements of the oppressed masses, the Maoists of South Asia and the whole world, was finally realized. A real communist party has emerged in India, nourished by the blood of more than six thousand martyrs. Thus, tribute was paid to these heroes who gave their lives for the cause of liberation of our country, first from oppressive British rule, and then from imperialism, feudalism and comprador-bureaucratic capitalism.

The path to unity between the two parties, which have been debating with each other for more than two decades, has been long and difficult. This process consisted of many ups and downs. There were also dark times. But finally it ended in victory.

The first meeting between the two parties took place in 1981 when the then leaders, Comrade Kanhai Chatterjee of MCC and Comrade. Kondapalli Seetharamya of the CPI(M-L) People's War negotiated for 12 days. After this meeting, both of them, although they belonged to different movements, declared that there was solid ground for unification, since both parties were essentially following a similar path. The parties began to prepare the relevant documents and to unite. The former CPI (M-L) “Party Unity” then also had good relations with the MCC and they constantly kept in touch with each other. This continued until the early 1990s, when relations deteriorated and clashes began.

Although the desire for unity between the People's War and the MCC was strong, progress was slow for various reasons. In 1982, Comrade. Kanhai Chatterjee died of an illness caused by the difficulties of living underground, and Comrade. Kondapalli Seetharamya was arrested. Although attempts to restart the unification process continued, especially in the short period between the two crises (1988-1990), serious negotiations only resumed after their completion in 1992. They lasted three years, after which they finally stopped due to some disagreements on international issues. Both parties issued a joint statement declaring the talks had failed, highlighting existing differences and promising to resume talks at a later date. Then relations between the MCC and the People's War deteriorated, especially after the unification of the People's War and Party Unity.

In 1998, the two main parties of the Marxist-Leninist movement, People's War and Party Unity, merged into one. The situation in Bihar deteriorated and after 1998, clashes between the People's War and the MCC resumed and intensified. A period began that is now called the “black chapter” in the history of the Indian revolution. Many people were killed on both sides.

This situation caused great damage to the revolutionary movement. It continued, although sincere supporters of the movement condemned the methods used by both parties. Many intellectuals and progressive elements who supported the revolution appealed to them to stop the clashes. Various communist revolutionary groups and parties also called for an end to the fighting. Many Maoist parties in South Asia and beyond have made this call. By that time, the MCC was already in the process of rethinking the situation. "People's War" at the time of its unification with "Party Unity" decided to unilaterally stop the clashes, but it did not publicly voice this decision and did not report it to the MCC, so it remained inconclusive. In this context, the MCC took the initiative and openly declared a unilateral ceasefire in January 2000. The People's War responded by stopping the fighting. From this moment on, the negative relations between the parties became positive. In August 2001, the People's War held its 9th congress. The MCC at that time found itself forced to wage a serious struggle between two lines with a small faction within the party on a number of ideological, political and other issues.

Finally, in August 2001, the negotiation process resumed. The rapprochement was facilitated by the decisions of the People's War Congress, which corrected the previous position on some issues, and also accepted Maoism as the leading ideology instead of the teachings of Mao Zedong. At the very first meeting, the delegations of the two parties made serious self-criticism and decisions were made to join forces at the level of Bihar and Jharkhand. Self-criticism in written form was widespread within the party ranks, and the situation continued to develop in a positive direction.

In late 2001 and 2002, Bihar and Jharkhand engaged in large-scale joint activities, including a successful three-day economic blockade between the two states to protest the Prevention of Terrorism Act. Negotiations between the two parties also continued. Finally, at a meeting in February 2003, it was decided to begin a discussion on ideological and political issues with the prospect of unification. Both parties at this meeting made serious and lengthy self-criticism about the “black chapter” and this self-criticism was also published. They vowed never again to resume clashes with class friends, no matter how serious the differences. Finally, at this meeting the ground was laid for the advancement and completion of the unification process. First of all, it was about preparing a document on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as the ideology of the party. It was also decided to draw up draft programs, “Strategies and Tactics of the Indian Revolution”, a political resolution on the international and domestic situation and the party charter. The task of writing these five documents was divided between the two parties.

In the fourth round of negotiations, a final agreement was reached between high-level delegations, following detailed discussions of the above documents at a joint meeting of the two Central Committees in September 2004. The documents were approved and it was decided to translate them into 10 regional languages ​​for discussion within the party. Some remaining minor discrepancies were decided to be discussed later. A joint meeting of the Central Committees of the two parties decided to unite and form a temporary Central Committee.

The new interim Central Committee of the CPI (Maoist) assessed the current situation in the country and chalked out plans to promote the people's war. He also vowed to continue the work of uniting with all the genuine Maoists in India who have not yet joined the party. It was decided to involve ever wider masses in the struggle against imperialism, feudalism and comprador-bureaucratic capitalism. The Central Committee decided to mobilize the masses against the growing advance of the imperialists, against state repression and to join forces with all movements opposing imperialism and feudalism. He decided to continue to condemn and fight against the expansionist plans of the Indian ruling classes and their imperialist masters, especially the American imperialists. It was decided to more actively support the Nepalese people led by the CPN (Maoist) and oppose the plans of Indian expansionists and American imperialists to intervene militarily in the affairs of Nepal. The Central Committee said it would continue to support the people's war waged by Maoist parties in Peru, the Philippines, Turkey and other countries. The Central Committee decided to continue to support the people's struggle against imperialism and reaction, as well as to support the labor movement and other popular movements in capitalist countries. It was decided to continue to support the Iraqi and Afghan people in their mighty struggle against American aggression and occupation. The new party will continue to support the struggle of nationalities for self-determination and organize the women's masses as a powerful force of revolution, and against caste oppression and untouchability. The Party will continue to condemn, isolate and defeat the increasingly dangerous Hindu fascist forces, while condemning all other fundamentalists. It will wage a bitter popular struggle against the new rulers in Delhi - the Indian National Congress Party, the CPI and the CPI (Marxist) and their imperialist masters.

The Communist Party of India and the Communist Party of India (Marxist) are the oldest Indian communist parties focused on participation in elections and legal forms of struggle.
“People's War” and “Party Unity” are factions of the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) that split after 1972.
In the Indian context, this mattered because the “teachings of Mao Zedong” were championed by those factions of the former CPI (M-L) who had renounced armed struggle. I needed to distance myself from them.

Communist Party of India(CPI; Communist Party of India; Bharatiya Communist Party), created in December 1925 as a result of the unification of communist groups that existed in individual provinces of India. Until 1942 it was actually underground. The CPI published weeklies and newspapers in local languages ​​(Mazdoor Kisan, Kranti, etc.) in Bombay, Bengal, Punjab and Madras, propagated the ideas of Marxism in India, and organized the labor, trade union and peasant movements. Communists were repeatedly subjected to severe persecution and repression by the British colonial authorities. After legalization in 1942, the CPI had 5 thousand members. In 1943 it already had 16 thousand members. In 1973 - 250 thousand members. The CPI played a big role in mobilizing the broad masses of the Indian people to fight against the British colonial yoke and for the national independence of their country.

After India gained independence (1947), the CPI adopted the party program at its All-India Conference in 1951. Despite the significant shortcomings, which were subsequently repeatedly pointed out by the CPI leadership, the program was a significant milestone in strengthening the party’s connection with the masses, in clarifying the nature of the stage of revolution that India was going through, in defining the role of the Indian national bourgeoisie, the essence of the united front and the tasks of the Communist Party in conditions when the political The country's independence has already been won and new problems have appeared on the agenda. The program defined the stage of the revolution in India as anti-imperialist and anti-feudal. The program noted that although the CPI aims to build a socialist society in the country, at this stage it does not require the establishment of socialism in India “due to the backwardness of economic development and the weakness of the mass organizations of workers, peasants and the working intelligentsia.” The task was put forward to fight for the eradication of the remnants of colonialism and feudalism, for the implementation of urgent socio-economic transformations in the interests of the people. In 1951, A. was elected general secretary of the CPI. Ghosh. In the first general elections of 1951-52, the CPI achieved significant success. Of the 107 million people who took part in the vote, over 6 million people voted for the Communists. The communists won 27 seats in the lower house of parliament and over 180 seats in state legislatures.

The 4th Congress of the CPI (1956) called for the formation of a united national front to fight for the completion of the anti-feudal, anti-imperialist revolution, for the economic and social progress of the country. The CPI stated that it would oppose the policy of compromise and concessions to foreign capital, landowners and monopolists, and would fight to protect the economic interests of the people and their democratic rights. In the second general elections in 1957, the CPI, which pursued the tactics of a united front of left forces, received over 11 million votes and 29 seats in the lower house of parliament and over 200 seats in state legislatures. In the elections in Kerala, the communists won a majority of seats in the legislative assembly and formed the government together with the independents. All reactionary forces in Kerala and beyond united to fight against the Communist-led government whose activities were inimical to the interests of the propertied classes. In July 1959, this government was dissolved by decree of the President of India under the pretext that the communists allegedly “lost” the trust of the people during their rule. However, this assertion was refuted by the results of the elections to the Kerala state legislature in 1960, in which 1 million more voters voted for the communists than in 1957.

The 5th Congress of the CPI (1958) adopted a new charter, the preamble of which spoke of the possibility of achieving full democracy and socialism in India through peaceful means, through the development of broad mass struggle. The congress decided to change the organizational structure of the party. Instead of the Central Committee, the National Council was created, and instead of the Politburo, the Central Executive Committee.

In 1961, the 6th Congress of the CPI was held, the decisions of which contain a comprehensive analysis of the current situation in India, the role of the Indian national bourgeoisie and determine the tasks of the party for the coming period. The Congress noted that after India gained independence, the national bourgeoisie, which came to power, was unable to ensure the implementation of socio-economic reforms aimed at completing the anti-feudal, anti-imperialist, democratic revolution, and improving the living conditions of the broad masses of working people. The Communist Party once again emphasized the urgent need to create a broad national front to fight against internal and external reaction, to ensure the country's development along the path of democracy and progress.

At the plenum of the National Council of the CPI in April 1962, the party charter was changed and, along with the post of general secretary, the post of party chairman was established. In the fall of 1962, due to the escalation of the Sino-Indian border conflict, sharp disagreements arose within the party leadership on the issue of the CPI's attitude to this conflict. Subsequently, the disagreements that appeared at the 6th Congress of the CPI intensified on other issues of the party’s activities - on the assessment of the role of the Indian national bourgeoisie, on the nature and essence of the united national front, etc. In November 1964, a group of leading figures left the CPI and announced the creation of the “Communist Party of India (Marxist)", thereby forming a parallel communist party. A significant role in the split of the CPI and the emergence of a parallel Communist Party in India was played by the direct intervention of the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party in the internal affairs of the CPI. The split of the CPI caused great damage to the left and democratic movement in the country.

The 7th Congress of the CPI (1964) adopted a new party program and other documents. The program provides an analysis of the socio-economic development of India during the years of independence and defines the tasks of the party, in particular the task of creating a National Democratic Front and a national democratic state as a transitional stage to socialism.

In 1970, in the state of Kerala (after elections to the State Legislative Assembly), a left-wing coalition government was formed, headed by A. Menon, a member of the Central Executive Committee (Central Executive Committee) of the National Council of the CPI. This government carried out a number of socio-economic changes in the interests of workers ( agrarian reform and etc.). The leadership of the parallel Communist Party stood in opposition to the Menon government and, using “leftist” phraseology, actually advocated its overthrow, often blocking with right-wing forces.

In the general elections of 1971, the CPI collected about 5 million votes and brought 19 deputies into the lower house of the Indian Parliament.

Delegations of the CPI participated in international meetings of communist and workers' parties (1957, 1960, 1969, Moscow). The CRPD approved the documents adopted by these meetings.

In accordance with the charter, the CPI is built on the principle of democratic centralism. The highest body of the CPI is the congress, and between congresses the National Council. The current work is carried out by the Central Executive Committee and the Secretariat. The chairman of the party is S. A. Dange, the general secretary is R. Rao. The Central Authority (central body) is the New Age newspaper.

Congresses of the Communist Party of India: 1st Congress - May 1943, Bombay; 2nd Congress - February-March 1948, Calcutta; 3rd Congress - December 27, 1953-January 4, 1954, Madurai; 4th Congress - April 19-29, 1956, Palghat; 5th Congress - April 1958, Amritsar; 6th Congress - April 1961, Vijayawada; 7th Congress - December 13-23, 1964, Bombay; 8th Congress - February 1968, Patna; 9th Congress - October 1971, Cochin.

Source And lit.: Ghosh A., Articles and Speeches, translated (translation) from English (English), M., 1962; Problems of the communist movement in India, M., 1971; VI Congress of the Communist Party of India, M., 1962; Proceedings of the Seventh congress of the Communist Party of India, New Delhi, 1965; Resolutions of the National Council of the Communist Party of India, New Delhi, 1970; Documents of the Ninth Congress of the Communist Party of India, New Delhi, 1972.

P. V. Kutsobin.

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Abstract on the topic:

Communist Party of India

Communist Party of India (CPI)(Hindi भारतीय कम्युनिस्ट पार्टी listen)) is an Indian political party. Founded in 1925 (according to another version, in 1920). Currently, the CPI is part of the Left Front ruling in the states of West Bengal and Tripura, as well as the Left Democratic Front ruling in the state of Kerala. At the federal level, the CPI is represented by 4 deputies in the Lok Sabha and supports the Indian-led national congress United Progressive Alliance government from outside.

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In the 20s - early 30s, the party's actions were poorly coordinated at the national level, and it, in fact, represented several disparate regional groups. This was largely a consequence of the fact that under the British colonialists the party was forced to work underground. Only in 1935 did the CPI become a member of the Comintern. In accordance with the general line of the Comintern, the CPI moved closer to the left wing of the INC. During World War II, the activities of the CPI were allowed. The CPI took control of the All India Trade Union Congress. After India gained independence in 1947, the CPI led armed uprisings against the heads of the former semi-independent princely states who refused to hand over power federal government; the largest of these uprisings took place in Telangana (a historical region in the modern state of Andhra Pradesh). There, the communists managed to create a people's militia and control an area with a population of 3 million people. As a result, the uprising was suppressed by the federal authorities, and the CPI abandoned the tactics of armed struggle. Subsequently, the CPI operated within the framework of parliamentary democracy.

Election poster of the CPI. 2004

The CPI performed successfully in the federal elections of 1957, taking second place after the INC. That same year, the party won the Kerala Assembly elections and formed the state government. This was the first time in the history of India that the government of any state was not formed by the INC. In 1962, there was a split in the CPI over the attitude towards the Indo-Chinese armed conflict. The pro-Soviet faction took the side of the Indian government, while the pro-Chinese faction supported the PRC as a socialist state that came into conflict with a capitalist one (India). Leaders of the pro-China faction were persecuted. As a result, the CPI split in 1964 - the breakaway faction was called the Communist Party of India (Marxist). In 1970-1977 The CPI became closer to the INC, in particular, these two parties formed a coalition government in Kerala. The CPI (as opposed to the “pro-Chinese” CPI(M)) actively supported the national liberation movement in East Pakistan (present-day Bangladesh) and the war with Pakistan in 1971. The CPI was the only party (other than the INC) that supported Indira Gandhi’s declaration of a state of emergency in 1975-1977

The lifting of the state of emergency in 1977 and the subsequent defeat of the INC in the parliamentary elections marked the beginning of a new period in the history of the CPI - since then the party has reoriented itself to cooperation with the CPI (M). At the same time, she had to come to terms with the role of the “junior partner” that she plays in the CPI(M)-led alliances.

General Secretaries

Emblem of the CPI during elections

• S.V. Ghate (1925-?)
• P.Ch. Joshi (1935-March 1948)
• B.T. Ranadivé (March 1948-1950)
• C.R. Rao (1950-1951)
• A.K. Ghosh (1951-1962)
• E.M.Sh. Namboodiripad (April 1962-January 1963)
• C.R. Rao (December 1964-April 1990)
• Indrajit Gupta (April 1990-1996)
• A.B. Bardhan (since 1996)

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This abstract is based on an article from Russian Wikipedia. Synchronization completed 07/12/11 01:18:41
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